Social media has fueled Mamdani’s rise. Can he maintain his momentum as mayor?

Take a plunge into the frigid waters of Coney Island in January with the pun “I’m freezing…your rent.” Tour of food trucks and discussion of how city permitting process leads to “semi-inflation.” Travel across Manhattan to show New Yorkers that they “deserve a mayor they can see, hear, and even yell at.”

The social media videos helped lead Zohran Mamdani and his left-wing policies to a surprise victory in the New York City mayoral primary and then to victory in the November election.

Experts told the BBC that the 34-year-old democratic socialist has used social media to project an image of a genuine and happy person that appeals to New Yorkers, especially younger voters who spend much of their time reading “doomscrolls.”

Now, after he is sworn in as mayor on Jan. 1, his next challenge will be to keep those supporters engaged and maintain momentum in office.

An Associated Press voter poll showed that about three-quarters of New York City voters under the age of 30 voted for Mamdani.

Jane Hall, a communications professor at American University who studies politics and media, said Mamdani’s powerful social media strategy appeals to voters by conveying an image of a political candidate that young people frustrated with older, more established candidates crave.

Candidates don’t have to be young to connect with young voters, Hall said, “but I think you have to be seen as being genuine and talking about things people care about in a hip way that makes people want to jump on the bandwagon.”

Jack Bratich, a journalism professor at Rutgers University who studies political culture and social media, said Mamdani has proven he can combine light-heartedness with serious dialogue.

Jennifer Stromer-Galley, who teaches communication, political science and rhetorical studies at Syracuse University, told the BBC that the fun contrasted with some of the negativity that President Donald Trump has tended towards on social media.

although Unexpectedly friendly when we first met The two politicians, who feuded during the mayoral campaign last November, said they agreed on many issues facing the city, such as the affordability crisis.

Trump has painted Mamdani as an extremist “crazy man,” threatened to withhold federal funds from the city if Mamdani wins and said he would arrest him if he impedes immigration enforcement.

On election night, Mamdani snapped during his victory speech, telling the president that “to get to any one of us, you have to go through all of us.”

The remarks drew loud cheers from his supporters at the time, but experts say the realities of governing may mean a pragmatic approach to engaging with the Trump administration. That warm meeting in November may have been an early sign that Mamdani was willing to do just that.

The way he works with the White House and the relationship he builds with the president could be critical to enacting his agenda.

Ioana Literat, a communications professor at Columbia University who studies youth political socialization online, said that while it might be easy to promise “quick, sweeping change” in a campaign video, it becomes more difficult when it comes to actually “governing under a hostile government.”

“If his (social media) content does not honestly take into account these limitations, the young people who made him famous may also quickly turn that energy into disillusionment or backlash,” she said.

Jonathan Nagler, co-director of the Center for Social Media and Politics at New York University, told the BBC that to succeed in office, Mamdani would need to involve his supporters in day-to-day governance, which is not as exciting as a high-stakes political campaign.

“It’s easy to mobilize people against Trump. If we’re talking about New York City voters, they already disagree with Trump on a lot of things,” Nagler said.

“What’s harder is to go on social media and say, ‘Hey, the New York City Council is blocking my way. I need you to be outraged to convince the New York City Council to do something.'”

Nagler added that getting some of these voters to understand how city government works can be a challenge.

“Like all campaigns, the transition to governance through media is tricky,” said Rutgers professor Bratich.

One strategy to maintain campaign momentum may be to turn his social media followers into active grassroots organizers. After all, for elected mayors, social media “is the front door into a huge army of field operations and youth volunteers,” Breach said.

Mamdani’s posts during the campaign continued to lead followers to protests, canvassing drives, registration drives and other forms of active participation – ultimately resulting in more than 100,000 volunteers.

“But if his administration flounderes and the message stream continues to promise more than he can deliver, it could reinforce a sense among young voters that ‘not even an Internet mayor can change anything,'” Wright said.

“Broader reputational risk is part of the reason why social media was so important during his administration,” she added.

Mamdani’s transition team did not respond to the BBC’s request for comment.

But there is at least one big sign that the grassroots momentum surrounding Mamdani will continue.

In November, his allies announced the formation of a new advocacy group aimed at tapping his vast pool of volunteers to raise funds for his agenda. The nonprofit, Our Economic Times New York, was founded by Mamdani volunteers and members of the Democratic Socialists of New York.

While Our Time is legally independent from Mamdani and his transition team, the group said it is focused on advancing the elected mayor’s affordability agenda through “door-knocking, phone banking, communications and organizing at the community, city and state levels.”

Mamdani’s swearing-in ceremony took place on Thursday at the former City Hall metro station, which has now been abandoned for regular traffic.

“This is truly the honor and privilege of a lifetime,” he said. “I can’t wait to see everyone when term starts tomorrow.”