Why Putin and Modi met in Delhi

Russian President Vladimir Putin arrived in India for a two-day visit and was embraced by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi ahead of the two countries’ annual summit.

Delhi and Moscow are expected to sign multiple deals during the visit, which comes months after the United States stepped up pressure on India to stop buying Russian oil.

Meanwhile, U.S. President Donald Trump’s administration has held a series of talks with Russia and Ukraine in an attempt to end the war.

India and Russia have been close allies for decades, and Putin and Modi have a friendly relationship. Here’s why they need each other and what to keep in mind when they meet.

Steve Rosenberg

Why are ties with India important to the Kremlin?

First, a look at the numbers:

• The population is nearly a billion and a half.

• Economic growth exceeded 8%. India is the world’s fastest growing major economy.

This makes it an extremely attractive market for Russian goods and resources, especially oil.

India is the world’s third-largest crude oil consumer and has been buying large amounts of crude oil from Russia. This is not always the case. Before the Kremlin’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, only 2.5% of India’s oil imports came from Russia.

This number jumped to 35% as India took advantage of Russian price discounts resulting from sanctions against Moscow and restrictions on Russian access to European markets.

India is happy. Not so in Washington.

Earlier this year, the Trump administration Additional 25% customs duty Regarding Indian goods, the argument is that by buying oil from Russia, India is helping to fund the Kremlin’s war chest. Since then, India’s orders for Russian oil have declined. President Putin will be keen for India to continue buying.

For Moscow, selling arms to India is another priority and has been since Soviet times. Ahead of Putin’s visit, there were reports that India planned to purchase state-of-the-art Russian fighter jets and air defense systems.

Russia, hit by labor shortages, also sees India as a valuable source of skilled workers.

But geopolitics is also at play.

The Kremlin is keen to demonstrate that Western efforts to isolate it over the war in Ukraine have failed.

Flying to India and meeting Prime Minister Modi is one way to achieve this.

So is traveling to China and holding talks with Xi Jinping, as Putin did three months ago. He met Modi on the same trip. The three leaders took a group photo Smile and chat together It sends a clear message that despite the war in Ukraine, Moscow still has strong allies who support the concept of a “multipolar world.”

Russia praises its “infinite partnership” with China.

It has been equally vocal in declaring its “special and privileged strategic partnership” with India.

This contrasts with Moscow’s tense relations with the EU.

“I think the Kremlin is convinced that the West, including Europe, has completely failed,” Andrei Kolesnikov, a columnist for Novaya Gazeta, said.

“We are not alone because we are connected to Asia and the global South. Economically, this is the future. In this sense, Russia, like the Soviet Union, has re-emerged as a major player in these parts of the world. But even the Soviet Union had special channels and connections with the United States, West Germany and France. It had a multi-carrier policy.

“But now we are completely isolated from Europe. This is unprecedented. Our philosophers always said that Russia is part of Europe. Now we are not. This is a huge failure and a huge loss. I am sure that a part of the Russian political and entrepreneurial class is dreaming of returning to Europe and not only doing business with China and India.”

This week, though, expect to hear news about Russia’s friendship with India, trade deals and increased economic cooperation between Moscow and Delhi.

Vikas Pandey

Putin’s visit to Delhi comes at a critical time for Modi and India’s global ambitions.

The relationship between India and Russia dates back to the Soviet era and has continued regardless of changes in the geopolitical landscape.

Putin has arguably invested more time and energy in this relationship than other Russian leaders before him.

As for Modi, despite intense pressure from Western governments to criticize Russia’s war in Ukraine, he insists that dialogue is the only way to resolve the conflict.

This is India’s “strategic autonomy” at work – Modi occupies a special position in the geopolitical order, maintaining close relations with Moscow while maintaining relations with the West.

That worked — until Trump returned to the White House. India-US relations take a hit record low The two countries have been unable to resolve a tariff standoff in recent months.

Against this backdrop, Putin’s visit is more important than ever for Modi as it will test India’s geopolitical autonomy. He will be walking the proverbial diplomatic tightrope here.

Modi hopes to show Indians at home and around the world that he still sees Putin as an ally and has not succumbed to pressure from Trump, whom he has previously called a “true friend.”

But he is also facing pressure from European allies – just this week, the ambassadors to India from Germany, France and the United Kingdom penned a rare letter joint article Criticism of Russia’s stance on Ukraine in a major newspaper.

Therefore, Modi must ensure that the strengthening of India-Russia ties does not overshadow ongoing trade talks with the United States and partnership with Europe.

Delhi-based think tank Global Trade Research Initiative (GTRI) said: “For India, the challenge is strategic balancing – protecting autonomy while dealing with pressure from Washington and dependence on Moscow.”

Another priority for Modi will be unlocking the potential of bilateral trade between India and Russia.

Analysts have often said the economic relationship between the two powerful allies has been underperforming for decades.

As of March 2025, the bilateral trade volume between the two countries increased from US$8.1 billion in 2020 to US$68.72 billion. This is mainly due to India significantly increasing its purchases of Russian oil at discounted prices. That tips the balance heavily in favor of Russia, something Modi wants to correct.

As Indian companies have reduced oil purchases from Russia to avoid sanctions from Washington, the two countries will consider other areas to boost trade.

Defense is the easiest option. Data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute shows that India’s defense imports from Russia will decrease to 36% between 2020 and 2024, from a peak of 72% in 2010 to 2015 and 55% in 2015 to 2019.

This is mainly due to India’s attempts to diversify defense investments and promote domestic manufacturing.

But a closer look at the numbers tells a different story. India remains heavily dependent on Russia for some of its defense platforms. Many of its 29 air force squadrons fly Russian Sukhoi 30 jets.

The limited armed conflict between India and Pakistan in May this year demonstrated the indispensable role of Russian platforms such as the S-400 air defense system in the Indian armed forces, but also exposed weaknesses in the country that are in urgent need of repair.

There are reports that India hopes to purchase upgraded S-500 systems and Su-57 fifth-generation fighter jets. Pakistan’s purchase of the Chinese-made J-35 fifth-generation stealth fighter jet has raised eyebrows in Delhi as it hopes to acquire a similar aircraft soon.

But Russia already faces shortages of key components due to sanctions and the war in Ukraine. According to reports, the delivery deadline of some S-400s has been postponed to 2026. Modi will seek some timetable assurances from Putin.

Modi also wants the Russian economy to open space for Indian products to address the huge trade imbalance.

“Consumer-facing and high-visibility categories remain marginal: smartphones ($75.9 million), shrimp ($75.7 million), meat ($63 million) and apparel (only $20.94 million), highlighting India’s limited penetration in the Russian retail market and electronics value chain despite geopolitical turmoil,” GTRI said.

Modi aims to get Indian goods into the Russian market, especially after the war ends and Moscow reintegrates into the global economy.

He will seek to reduce trade reliance on oil and defense, aiming to strike a deal that strengthens ties with Russia while leaving room for deepening ties with the West.

GTRI said: “Putin’s visit is not a nostalgic return to Cold War diplomacy. It is a negotiation about risks, supply chains and economic isolation. A moderate outcome will ensure oil and defense security; an ambitious outcome will reshape the regional economy.”

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